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Published 24th August 2012

Vol 53 No 17


Ethiopia

After Meles

Meles Zenawi
Meles Zenawi

The Premier’s death removes one of Africa’s most prominent leaders and will test the unity of the country and the ruling party

The death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on 20 August has triggered a constitutional succession mechanism which he personally designed, having led the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front for 21 years. His chosen successor, Hailemariam Desalegn, takes over in the first non-violent transition in Ethiopia’s modern history. Hailemariam was Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and Deputy Chairman of the EPRDF.


The Marikana massacre

Image courtesy of Panos Pictures

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BLUE LINES
THE INSIDE VIEW

The death of three incumbent African leaders in the last three months has shone a light on succession mechanisms and the adequacy of national medical services. Ghana’s John Atta Mills, Malawi’s Bingu wa Mutharika and Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi had vastly different political styles and ideologies and ran different political systems. Mild-mannered Mills was nicknamed ‘the Prof’. Mutharika was the International Monetary Fund official turned finance minister and then Machiavellian despot. Meles was the...
The death of three incumbent African leaders in the last three months has shone a light on succession mechanisms and the adequacy of national medical services. Ghana’s John Atta Mills, Malawi’s Bingu wa Mutharika and Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi had vastly different political styles and ideologies and ran different political systems. Mild-mannered Mills was nicknamed ‘the Prof’. Mutharika was the International Monetary Fund official turned finance minister and then Machiavellian despot. Meles was the Maoist guerrilla who overthrew a Marxist dictator before becoming a key Western ally. Both Meles and Mills had to seek medical treatment overseas because of deficiencies in local healthcare. All three countries, contrary to some foreign expectations, have engineered a constitutional succession. All three died in office but their entourages elaborately concealed the seriousness of their ailments. In Mutharika’s case, ministers insisted he was alive. Ministers assume that to admit the leader is ill is to confess to weakness, which will lead to instability. Yet when the end comes, the public suddenly learns it has been deceived. That further erodes confidence in government. Indeed, their subterfuge risks creating the very uncertainty they were trying to avoid. The taboos around sickness and death in many societies make it awkward for politicians and activists to demand more honesty about the health of their leaders – questions that are currently whispered in Algiers, Asmara, Harare and Yaoundé.
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